KOOYONG’S CHICKENS ARE COMING HOME TO ROOST

KOOYONG’S CHICKENS ARE COMING HOME TO ROOST

Readers of this blog will have, no doubt, been amused to read of yet another group of “Teens” trashing a short-term rental property, this time in leafy, well-heeled Hawthorn.

In Hastings Rd this past weekend we saw the well-tested party plan of bogus identification being used by African youths to book an Airbnb rental, subsequent heavy drinking and drug use, then the customary early morning explosion of ad-hoc alterations to the decor.

This time, however, there were significant escalations in violence as neighbours, fearing for the safety of their properties and their very lives armed themselves with makeshift weapons and attempted to mount a defence; two elderly White bystanders were assaulted with one old gent admitted to hospital after being set upon by a gang of African females.

The police, as usual, waited until the fracas had burned itself out before venturing into the neighbourhood, no arrests were made on the night, however, we understand a series of raids have since been carried out and at least one boy has been charged.

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Victoria Police facing off against African rioters in 2017, the youths, we are told, won the battle of Kensington

This approach, though cold comfort to the embattled citizens, does make a certain amount of sense from a tactical point of view; the cops know who these Sudanese delinquents are, it is probably just easier to pick them off one by one, roust them out of bed at home rather than get crowned by a house brick trying to subdue fifty drunks at once.

The federal seat of Kooyong, in which Hawthorn is situated is a safe Liberal seat, once held by the likes of Sir Robert Menzies and Andrew Peacock the current sitting member is the minister for environment and energy Josh Frydenberg.

 Now, before we go all gushy over this latest outrage and lest we further entrench the perception that Nationalists are nothing but heartless pragmatists we will profess that we do care about the White residents affected by this incident simply because they are our kin, however, the inevitable considerations of class consciousness and voter behaviour in bourgeois suburbs must take precedence.

The federal seat of Kooyong, in which Hawthorn is situated is a safe Liberal seat, once held by the likes of Sir Robert Menzies and Andrew Peacock the current sitting member is the minister for environment and energy Josh Frydenberg.

We can safely say that the residents of Hawthorn, who habitually vote for the Liberals, must therefore be firmly in favour of globalism, high immigration, kowtowing to Beijing and the dissolution of our once prosperous and largely homogenous society into an Asian style free for all, where workers are pitted against one another and only investors, speculators and crooks can even afford to live in an area like Hastings Rd.

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Menzies is the real father of multiculturalism, though he had the sense to invite the right type of migrants, such as these Dutch people arriving in 1954

Time and again we have heard dissident voices exclaim that if only the negative effects of Third World immigration were visited upon the blue ribbon suburbs then the middle-class voters residing within could be shocked into action, that some of them could be swayed to the side of Nationalism and the workers struggle.

Well here is their reality check, globalisation writ large on the streets of Hawthorn: an African mob destroying a Chinese owned rental property hired out through an American website underwritten by a predatory coalition of hedge funds and Silicon Valley speculators.

Time and again we have heard dissident voices exclaim that if only the negative effects of Third World immigration were visited upon the blue ribbon suburbs then the middle class voters residing within could be shocked into action, that some of them could be swayed to the side of Nationalism and the workers struggle.

Assuming these out of control Sudanese parties can be taken at face value and are not part of some insurance scam by the Chinese owners then there is a double irony here in that we see more and more of the children of these middle-class suburbanites being locked out of the owning a house or even renting in their own suburb, due in large part to distortions in the market caused by foreign buyers and companies such as Airbnb.

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Former member for Kooyong Andrew Peacock now resides in the U.S.A, far away from the effects of his party’s disastrous immigration policies.

Our question to the people in the seat of Kooyong, those White families who have held property there since the days of Bob Menzies would be: “When are you going to stand up for the future of your children?”

The inner Eastern suburbs of Melbourne are dotted with blocks of flats built over the past 80 years; ranging from stately low-rise Art Deco buildings to simple 1970’s brick veneer boxes, in fact 20 years ago it used to be a relatively cheap area to rent a flat, local kids could move out of home, get onto their feet and then buy in to the area themselves.

No more, the housing crisis has hit the middle class particularly hard as overseas buyers from Asia and opportunistic property tycoons have inflated the prices to the point that only the most wealthy people can afford to own a house in Hawthorn, Camberwell or Surrey Hills.

Our question to the people in the seat of Kooyong, those White families who have held property there since the days of Bob Menzies would be: “When are you going to stand up for the future of your children?”

So the Liberal die-hards of Kooyong either need to adjust to the new globalist reality, the incursions of troublesome migrant gangs and Asian profiteers drawn by the newly created and foreign driven short-term rental scene; they can get used to the noise, the loss of amenity and the hardships foisted upon their kids, or they can opt for change and take political action to arrest the decline of their neighbourhoods.

Nationalists have the program to stop the rot, but if Hawthorn’s good folk are not willing to accept a radical solution then at least they will still have their adult sons at home to wield the Gray Nicolls as Ice addled Negroes come over the back fence and the cops steadfastly ignore their triple zero calls for assistance.

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This ugly villa is what three million bucks buys you in Hawthorn, gang tags courtesy of Airbnb

PANIC, POLITICAL CORRECTNESS AND THE EROSION OF TRUST IN AUTHORITY

PANIC, POLITICAL CORRECTNESS AND THE EROSION OF TRUST IN AUTHORITY

Over the past few years, the medium of podcasting has really come into its own; we are all now able to access quality programmes, with high production values on a myriad of subjects; the technology to record a professional sounding show has now become so cheap that anyone with an idea is now able to broadcast.

One of the more popular genres is the true crime documentary, with high profile series such as Sword And Scale, Casefile and Criminal gaining a wide audience and commercial sponsorship for their often confronting exposé style presentations of the most shocking murders and sex crimes from across the English speaking world.

A recent podcast, Atlanta Monster, examines in depth the case of Wayne Williams and the Atlanta child murders; we will not go too deeply into the details of the case on this blog, however, the writers and researchers of this series have done an excellent job of describing the fear and paranoia which gripped the city in the late 1970’s.

Between 1979 and 1981 it is alleged that a lone serial killer murdered as many as 28 Negro children, teenagers and adults, slipping in and out of the housing projects and inner-city ghettoes to abduct people then dumping his victims in semi-rural areas, often in the Chattahoochee River.

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Wayne Williams (centre) was convicted of killing two men and is suspected of murdering as many as 26 other Black men and boys

Black music promoter and Atlanta native Wayne Williams, 23, was ultimately convicted of the murders of two of the adult victims and is presumed to be responsible for all the crimes in the series, though there is reasonable doubt over his guilt in those matters and skepticism even among the families of the 26 other victims as to Williams’ culpability in the death of their loved ones.

What is interesting to us, however, is the effect that this wave of brutality had upon a multiracial society and the extremely negative impacts of rumour, race-baiting and politically correct disinformation on the part of civic and community authority figures.

The rumours of a White plot to exterminate black youth persist to this day, this is in spite of the conviction of Williams and even though credible testimony implicating a gang of black homosexuals in the abuse and possible abductions of many of the dead boys has come to light, the passage of 40 years has also done little to restore the faith of Black Atlantans in their Police and municipal officials.

The disappearances of so many Black youngsters naturally spurred race hucksters and troublemakers into action, rumours of Ku Klux Klan terrorism began to take hold, which set the nerves of White citizens and city authorities on edge; the city seemed to be edging toward widespread rioting of the sort seen in Detroit and Chicago only a decade earlier.

Despite the expert opinion of both local Police and FBI behavioural analysts that the killer was almost certainly a black man the rumours and paranoia took hold, with community leaders and officials unable to dissuade some from propagating the view that the murders were a racist plot; the damage was done and mishandling of some aspects of the case by law enforcement led to a breakdown in trust between citizens and the Police.

The rumours of a White plot to exterminate black youth persist to this day, this is in spite of the conviction of Williams and even though credible testimony implicating a gang of black homosexuals in the abuse and possible abductions of many of the dead boys has come to light, the passage of 40 years has also done little to restore the faith of black Atlantans in their Police and municipal officials.

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Rumours of KKK involvement in The Bowen Homes Daycare disaster in 1980 further eroded race relations in Atlanta

One striking example of the effect that this breakdown in trust had was the response to another tragic event in 1980 at the height of the child murders panic: the Bowen Homes Daycare Centre explosion, in which a poorly maintained, gas fired boiler exploded, killing five Black children and two adults.

Bystanders and race hustling community leaders immediately jumped to the conclusion that the explosion had been the result of a KKK terrorist bomb and an escalation of the rumoured racist war on black boys, by this stage relations between the Negro community and authorities were so strained that many in the crowd could not be reasoned with and a riot was narrowly avoided.

The Indian media went berserk with allegations of a racist motive behind the attacks, egged on by Australia’s self-hating White press corps the situation began to spiral out of control, with ALP linked race baiters and ethnic community stooges agreeing, without evidence, that the violence against Indians was a White problem.

We use these points as an illustration of what can happen when a government and law enforcement authorities mishandle a crisis and the dire results upon social cohesion of equivocation, or deliberate misinformation by officials and offer a warning regarding the present situation in Australia.

Casting our minds back to 2009 we recall the Indian immigrant crisis in which a fairly large number of students, workers or migrants from the sub-continent were mugged, seriously assaulted and, in at least three cases, stabbed to death during robberies.

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Indians rally in Melbourne, rumours of racist attacks by Whites fuelled the hysteria

The Indian media went berserk with allegations of a racist motive behind the attacks, egged on by Australia’s self-hating White press corps the situation began to spiral out of control, with ALP linked race baiters and ethnic community stooges agreeing, without evidence, that the violence against Indians was a White problem.

It turned out that many of the episodes of violence were either fabricated to cover up other misbehaviour by Indians, intra-ethnic trouble between migrants, the depredations of drug addicts or racially motivated gang activity by Pacific Islander, Sudanese or Arab youths.

We are not suggesting that no Whites at all were involved, only that the allegations of White racism had no foundation and the considerable unrest these rumours caused, including several large and raucous protest marches and revenge attacks against innocent Whites could have been avoided had the Police, media and state government behaved responsibly in the first place.

What we saw from Chief Commissioner of Police Simon Overland and Premier Ted Baillieu were the worst examples of political correctness and outright misinformation concerning ethnic crime, both all but agreeing that racism was a serious problem and proffering the utterly false assertion that crime was rare among immigrants.

When a Sudanese youth can go unpunished after kicking a policeman full in the face as he is kneeling, defenceless over a prone shoplifting suspect then that gives a green light to every badly socialised miscreant and predatory suburban bludger that it is open season on ordinary people, after all, in their minds nobody is going to stop them and no judge convict.

The official position was blown out of the water by events on the ground, the rampant criminality of many Indians and the conviction of a number of both White and non-White criminals for the muggings, murders and assaults; the resolution came not with a greater effort from Police but a tightening of visa rules for international students and workers, the problem abated to a manageable level within months of the change.

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Sudanese spokesman Richard Deng, his shameless shilling for the Andrews ALP regime greatly diminishes his credibility

As a result confidence in Police and politicians on the matter of community safety nosedived, Victorians no longer trusted the authorities to tell the truth about crime, especially when the perpetrators were immigrants or people of colour; this has had a devastating effect upon community morale and social cohesion in Melbourne particularly in the migrant-heavy, crime-prone outer suburbs.

Flash forward to 2018 and the latest moral panic in Melbourne is the African gang crisis, which when compared to the Indian crisis of a decade ago is orders of magnitude worse and, in fact, has probably accounted for many times the number of Indian victims than the original series of crimes.

Trust in the Victorian authorities, particularly the police and judiciary, is at an all-time low, Chief Commissioner Graham Ashton and Premier Daniel Andrews have doubled down the politically correct disinformation, radically ramped up the grooming of ALP stooges in the African milieux and done nothing to tackle the widespread, and wholly justified, view that Sudanese criminals are given lenient treatment simply due to the anti-racist views of judges and politicians.

When a Sudanese youth can go unpunished after kicking a policeman full in the face as he is kneeling, defenceless over a prone shoplifting suspect then that gives a green light to every badly socialised miscreant and predatory suburban bludger that it is open season on ordinary people, after all, in their minds nobody is going to stop them and no judge convict.

Do not misread our intentions in writing this piece, we are no fans of Victoria Police or the current globalist criminal elite exemplified by the Andrews ALP regime; as far as we are concerned they are reaping what their predecessors have sown and the further down they slip in the esteem of worker the better.

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Arnav Sati of Tarneit, another multicultural demagogue with his own agenda petitioned the state for a clampdown on youth, ie African crime

We merely point out that once the spell is broken, once the powers that be have told one too many self serving lies about community security the social contract in which we give away the monopoly on the use of force to the state is rendered null and void; while ordinary workers will carry on as normal for the most part the rise of ethnic demagogues and the spread of pernicious, unreliable information and rumour will be the norm.

The lessons from Atlanta, the Indian student crisis and the African gang outrage are that if rumours are not tackled and cowardly political correctness gives rise to outright dishonesty on the part of officials then social cohesion quickly evaporates; once eroded the trust between citizens and state, it appears, is almost impossible to repair.

Criminals and fanatics, sensing a power vacuum, will always take over the dialogue between people and state when trust in authority is gone and these attitudes become so entrenched and the “racism” disinformation stories so deeply embedded in local folklore that lies eventually eclipse the truth.

Even under the heel of the globalists there is, as yet, no reason to think that community relations in Melbourne will deteriorate to the level of Atlanta, or other big American cities; however re-orienting the relationship between citizen and state to rest on lies, re-affirming existing prejudices and spreading misinformation certainly sets us on the road to similar levels of discord and violence.

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Atlanta riots, 1966, part of a continuum of poorly managed racial incidents

THE FIGHTING SEASON: THOUGHTS ON THE MILITARISATION OF PUBLIC SPACES FROM KABUL TO MELBOURNE

THE FIGHTING SEASON: THOUGHTS ON THE MILITARISATION OF PUBLIC SPACES FROM KABUL TO MELBOURNE

The twilight zone between the end of the festive season and the resumption of the work year is, of late, a good opportunity to make the most of our Netflix and Stan subscriptions and in amongst the growing clutter of Bollywood movies and incomprehensible Taiwanese rom-coms we were able to find a few gems with which to pass the time.

A recent addition to the lineup was Ricky Schroder’s six part documentary series The Fighting Season, which follows several units of U.S Army military advisors and their Afghan allies as they develop security arrangements in Kabul during an election campaign, hunt Taliban fighters in the countryside and attempt to kill or capture an elusive insurgent commander.

To be frank, Schroder is a propagandist of the Obama era military effort in Afghanistan and the phased draw-down of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF); in general his film leans toward supporting the narrative of the Afghan National Army (ANA) and police finding their feet and slowly taking responsibility for their own security.

The Fighting Season, however, is very revealing in its depiction of modern, highly specialised combat troops re-tasked as, basically, police units and tactical response teams on overwatch, ready to leap into action should the Afghan forces get in over their heads.

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Ricky Schroder, the former 1970’s child star is now an effective propagandist for the U.S war machine

In that sense this is a curious story, it has little in common with other War On Terror films, such as Sebastian Junger’s excellent Restrepo, or the dismal spectacle of the Ben Anderson documentary This Is What Winning Looks Like; the U.S paratroopers and 10th Mountain Division soldiers as depicted by Schroder exude a barely repressed bitterness and frustration even as they repeat the talking points of the official narrative.

From the slightly loopy security commander swanning around the teeming streets of Kabul as if he is going out for ice cream in his Midwestern hometown, seemingly oblivious to the threat of suicide bombers and kidnappers; to the hardened African American forward air controller calling in bombing runs on Taliban snipers these characters all ooze a superficial confidence and self control, but it is clear that they hate what they are doing and are deeply skeptical of the mission.

To be frank, Schroder is a propagandist of the Obama era military effort in Afghanistan and the phased draw-down of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF); in general his film leans toward supporting the narrative of the Afghan National Army (ANA) and police finding their feet and slowly taking responsibility for their own security.

Part of the dramatic tension which sets the pace across The Fighting Season’s six episodes is the sense that the Americans cannot trust the Afghan civilians, or rely upon the ANA and National Police to do their jobs; these are not, however, the drug addicts, child molesters and congenital idiots shown by Vice and Ben Anderson in 2013; on the contrary the Afghan soldiers are a mixed bag, ranging from merely competent, to tactically astute and, in some cases, almost suicidally brave.

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Sebastian Junger and Tim Hetherington produced an excellent film ,Restrepo, which captured life on a remote American firebase in the wilds of Afghanistan

Whether this is a completely accurate portrayal of the real ANA is another matter, we suspect the reality lies somewhere between Anderson’s pessimism and Schroders optimism; what is interesting from the point of our social commentary is this idea of a semi-competent but poorly equipped security force moving among the general population and maintaining a physical presence on the ground; guarded all the while by a high-tech, highly effective surveillance and intelligence group and backed up by heavily armed tactical units whose only task is to respond to emergencies.

It is this three-tiered security system used by foreign occupation forces in counter-insurgency operations, on behalf of their client regimes, which caught the eye of our writers; despite differences in the tempo of operations and the nature of the threats to civilians there is much in The Fighting Season which will feel familiar to the viewers, tucked up safe in their homes in the suburbs.

To the keen observer, there are distinct parallels between the militarization of public space in Afghanistan and the hardening of security precautions, recent restructure of police forces and the massive ramping up of state surveillance in Australian societies.

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Colonel John Graham , on the right, confers with his long-suffering bodyguard; the colonel is a weird sort of fellow but his story is very interesting

One of the most striking scenes in Schroder’s series shows American advisors driving around Kabul performing spot checks on Afghan police vehicle control points; the commander of the inspection team, Colonel Graham who is, as we mentioned, somewhat of a weird, reckless character spends some minutes in effusive praise of the officers who man these roadblocks, search cars and try to detect Jihadist suicide bombers as they enter the city.

To the keen observer there are distinct parallels between the militarisation of public space in Afghanistan and the hardening of security precautions, recent restructure of police forces and the massive ramping up of state surveillance in Australian societies.

What Graham is saying, if we read between the lines, is that the ANP officers, the lowest tier of the security operation, are basically expendable; it is expected that if a suicide bomber or insurgent gunman is detected that there will be police casualties and that they are only expected to hold their own until the American rapid response teams and Afghan special forces can be scrambled, with their armoured vehicles, superior training and heavy weapons.

Put that into the context of Melbourne or Sydney, sure the threat is lower here and we do not have terrorist attacks every few weeks as they do in Kabul but broadly the same tactical, counterinsurgency regime is being applied in our cities; first responders, usually general duties police, will generally be running blindly into danger during an attack and even in bucolic Melbourne it is understood that they make take casualties before the better-equipped squads are deployed.

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An Afghan policeman smokes a spliff while on patrol in a scene from the confronting 2013 Vice documentary This Is What Winning Looks Like

Colonel Graham proudly shows off his “Ring Of Steel” around Kabul, the picket of concrete bollards, chicanes and fighting positions which has been built across Kabul to, if nothing else, impede insurgent attacks until a counter attack can be mounted; the topic of insurgent attacks is discussed as a certainty and the one gets the sense that the lowest tier officers and fortifications are in place to absorb most of the impact, that crime cannot be prevented, only a reactive use of force is available to mop up after any initial strike on the barricades.

In our cities similar measures are now in place: in keeping with the threat levels we have concrete bollards and discrete hardening of urban infrastructure, soft checkpoints such as booze buses and Protective Service officers at railway stations and the network of private security guards, authorised officers and municipal inspectors who provide eyes on capability across the community.

The Fighting Season’s other plot-lines provide not only the most exciting battlefield action sequences but show the middle path of pro-active counter-insurgent operations; the tactics of the famed U.S 10th Mountain Division and their ANA allies sit between the nearly passive defences of the “Ring Of Steel” and the reactive elements of the ISAF Quick Reaction Force made up of paratroopers and commandos.

The young American soldiers clearly hate the Afghan locals and gleefully take on the task of “getting in the face” of suspected Taliban insurgents; it is here we can see a contrast between this middle tier of counter terrorism operations in a combat zone and the pro-active policing efforts in the suburbs of Australian cities.

The young American soldiers clearly hate the Afghan locals and gleefully take on the task of “getting in the face” of suspected Taliban insurgents; it is here we can draw a comparison between this middle tier of counter-terrorism operations in a combat zone and the pro-active policing efforts in the suburbs of Australian cities.

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Forward Air Controller Sergeant Letnam, his hatred of the Afghans is apparent after he calls in an airstrike on a Taliban sniper nest and the insurgents walk away from the bombed-out position grinning and denying that they are fighters.

The point of the 10th Mountain troops operation was to disrupt, disturb and confront the Taliban and other outlaws, to break their routines, rattle their nerves and if possible kill or capture the fighters and drug smugglers; they patrolled in known Taliban strongholds, rousted their supporters in the villages, confiscated any goods or weapons suspected of belonging to fighters and attempted, by show of force, to diminish the Islamists standing in the community.

Australian police will claim that they are also pro-active when it comes to fighting our own low-level Islamic insurgency and gang crime, however it is this middle tier which, to many, has been the weak link in the local response, this is the cohort which has, in the minds of many workers been hobbled by political correctness and the point of the spear, so to speak, blunted by interference from government and social justice warriors.

It is generally accepted now that the day-to-day attempts by Australian police to play the “hearts and minds” routine in high crime suburbs, particularly those with high Third World migrant populations, have been a failure; what is more, by showing weakness they have actually made the problems worse.

What the people are becoming really agitated about is the weak effort at disrupting criminals and terrorists before they become a real problem, that not enough is being done to shut down radical Islamist recruiters and other fringe dwellers; there is also general outrage over the lack of in-patient services for the dangerously mentally ill or drug addicted and the apparent hands-off approach being taken toward ethnocentric criminal gangs.

It is significant that Aussie workers have quickly cottoned on to the fact that the fortification of public spaces and expansion of heavily armed flying squads are a necessary and proportionate reaction to the current threat environment; nobody seems particularly bothered by the sight of semi-trailers being used as shields against vehicle attacks outside the Cricket, or the unmarked vans cruising the streets loaded with specialist police armed with assault rifles.

What the people are becoming really agitated about is the weak effort at disrupting criminals and terrorists before they become a real problem, that not enough is being done to shut down radical Islamist recruiters and other fringe dwellers; there is also general outrage over the lack of in-patient services for the dangerously mentally ill or drug addicted and the apparent hands-off approach being taken toward ethnocentric criminal gangs.

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Tactical squads only arrive as an emergency unfolds, they are a reactive force, not pro-active.

In the general discussion of the militarization of police in Australia and the wider Anglosphere the tendency is, especially among the more libertarian or SJW cliques, to criticise the obvious trappings of the heightened security posture; the self-styled “cop watchers” seem to think that a citywide crackdown on civil liberties is underway merely because the security services have been on a spending spree, purchasing new carbines, armoured vehicles and surveillance gear.

As we have shown it is the tactical posture and the way policing is being conducted in our cities which is evidence of the move toward a counterinsurgency model rather than the traditional, low-key methods of the past; the real problem then becomes the synchronisation of the three tiers of security response: the bullet sponge beat cops, security guards and the fortifications; the pro-active, day-to-day, operations to disrupt, eliminate or humiliate Jihadis and criminal gangs and the rapid reaction forces who only appear once the threat is fully realised

Older Aussies may pine for the society we had and the bright future it promised, but which was squandered by the globalists; unfortunately there is the way things ought to be and the way things are; if Melbourne and Sydney are starting to resemble Kabul then half measures, a compassionate approach and political correctness have no place in the system.

If we are to accept this new security regime, which it is clear we must, at least in the short term purely as a matter of self-preservation then we expect the middle tier of state counter-terrorism operators and ASIO goons to emulate the 10th Mountain division in proportion to the scale of the threat.

If the cops are not kicking in the doors of rogue Imams, leaning hard on self-styled immigrant “community leaders” and making the lives of slacker Jihadis and ethnocentric street gangs utterly miserable then front line cops will have their blood spilled over those concrete bollards before the rapid reaction force can arrive, their bravery and that of the citizens who rush forward into danger will all count for nothing.

We, the workers of Australia, know what has to be done and we know why these very real but wholly imported threats to our lives have been allowed to fester all these years; we know that terrorism and ethnic gang crime is a direct result of globalist-capitalism, the vanity and cynicism of upper-class Whites and the creed of totalitarian humanism.

Older Aussies may pine for the society we had and the bright future it promised, but which was squandered by the globalists; unfortunately there is the way things ought to be and the way things are; if Melbourne and Sydney are starting to resemble Kabul then half measures, a compassionate approach and political correctness have no place in the system.

If we are to suffer under an insurgency where terrorism and gross crimes of violence are simply to be accepted as part of the “enriching” multicultural tapestry, then the security forces need to get serious; they should at least get the three tiers of policing working effectively, in the manner of ISAF and the SJW’s, politicians and do-gooders need to be kicked to the curb and no longer heard.

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Afghan National Police: Expendable personnel deployed in the “Ring Of Steel” to absorb attacks, rather than repel them

WHAT DOES THE AFRICAN GANG MEME REALLY SAY ABOUT AUSTRALIA?

WHAT DOES THE AFRICAN GANG MEME REALLY SAY ABOUT AUSTRALIA?

As expected, the powers that be in the state of Victoria and beyond have been dragged, kicking and screaming, into a debate over youth crime and more specifically Sudanese gang crime in Melbourne.

There are a few memes concerning the issue bouncing around in cyberspace, some of them prescient, some ludicrous, while some are blatant Strawman arguments, it falls upon Nationalists, the only true outsider political tendency, to put some pressure on these talking points by, to some extent, playing Devil’s advocate.

The foremost and most popular among the bourgeois commentariat is the usual obfuscation of the issue with the cry: “Not all Africans!”

This defensive tactic is popular in the milieux who gain most of their insight into the workings of the world through the lens of ABC, Guardian and SBS editorials; we suspect that the intended outcome is that people will be shamed into remaining silent on the very real issue of Black gang crime when confronted with immigrant success stories and interviews with well dressed, articulate Africans.

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The Star-Bellied Sneetches thought they were all that and more, unfortunately, today’s SJW shows far worse character than any snooty Sneetches did

What we have here is just another case of filibustering by the Bourgeois media; the domination of public discourse with white noise, irrelevant information and the diversion of necessary and healthy democratic debate into side issues and intellectual dead-ends is a time-worn tactic.

In fact this tactic reveals the deep cynicism and arrogance of the upper castes; they seem to believe that if they can filibuster on the airwaves for a couple of 24 hour news cycles during a time of crisis, or widespread public disquiet, then the working classes will get sick of the noise and, easily distracted as we appear to those above, quickly move on to some other garish spectacle.

What we have here is just another case of filibustering by the Bourgeois media; the domination of public discourse with white noise, irrelevant information and the diversion of necessary and healthy democratic debate into side issues and intellectual dead-ends is a time worn tactic.

The Not All Africans meme is also problematic on other levels due to the fact that if it fails to mollify the population, as it has in recent weeks due to a spike in Sudanese gang crime and bullying targeting working class people, then it opens the door to widespread discrimination against very specific groups of people.

We understand that the upper castes do not want the little people thinking about big questions, that is why in Victoria it is a criminal offence to notice, then publicise obvious ethnic differences; nevertheless, think we do and the realisation soon comes that the more concentrated the demographic profile of serious youth offending becomes, the worse the true picture must be.

Let us take at face value the assertion that not all African migrants are troublemakers, which is obviously the case, so what we are left with is a very specific demographic cohort, Sudanese under the age of 30; in other words refugees from Sudan and their locally born children are the problem and given their astronomical rates of offending relative to their small population this becomes very much an issue of ethnicity.

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Gordon of Khartoum, the original Social Justice Warrior captured in monochrome as his life is snuffed out by slaveholding Sudanese Muslims

The profile of “African” offenders can be broken down further, it is mainly the negroid South Sudanese who are the problem, Sudan, of course, is a racially, religiously and linguistically divided region with Muslim Arab influence in the north and tribal Negro populations in the south, this further concentration when taken in the context of their importation into our country makes the whole mess into a political question.

As well informed people will know the Sudan conflict began with the Arab Muslim conquest of Byzantine Christian Egypt in the year 642; Muslim slavers have been ranging south into Africa ever since, despite numerous interventions by outside forces intent on abolishing the trade in Negro slaves, notably the British and lately the United Nations.

Let us call the Sudan problem by its proper name, it is a near 1500 year race war in which the intellectually and materially superior Muslim Northerners have dominated the Negro populations of the south, who never developed beyond the stage of bronze age cattle herding, tribal society and animistic spiritualism.

We understand that the upper castes do not want the little people thinking about big questions, that is why in Victoria it is a criminal offence to notice, then publicise obvious ethnic differences; nevertheless, think we do and the realisation that the more concentrated the demographic profile of serious youth offending becomes, the worse the true picture must be.

The politicians of the Howard era immigration ministry, notably Phillip Ruddock and Amanda Vanstone, therefore, went on a mission to deliberately induct into our society the most helpless specimens of the losing side in a centuries-long racial struggle, all in the name of compassion and for the international prestige of their regime.

This analysis is borne out not only in the appalling behaviour of the Sudanese migrants and their inability to integrate, which became a problem as soon as they arrived and were concentrated in housing commission areas, it is the attitudes expressed by their spokesmen and apologists which totally give the game away.

Every time Sudanese migrants run out of control, be it in the context of a gang attack, the grotesque family violence which wracks their community or as a result of their general lack of intelligence the “community leaders” are wheeled out to decry the lack of resources and government guidance allocated to Sudanese people; in other words the senior members of that ethnic group clearly came here with the expectation of unlimited handouts and a free ride through life for their kids.

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For the Joad family, the acceptance of welfare in the refugee camps of California was a grave moral issue

As Ma Joad in John Steinbeck’s masterpiece, The Grapes Of Wrath observed: “Charity leaves a stain”; never a truer word was written and in the Sudanese we have seen the importation, by ill-informed do-gooders, of a group of people with an ingrained welfare mentality into a social security system which does not tolerate slackers and malingerers.

What does this say about the status of the Sudanese in Australia and the refugees of the 21st century generally?

Comrades, never underestimate the vanity and cynicism of the politicians and managerial castes of the globalist cosmopolitan enterprise; they will do anything and say anything to achieve their end goal of the destruction of all nationalities and ethnic identities in the name of capitalism.

Australians are pretty good at looking after people with special needs, the aged and disabled care systems, while not perfect, work well for the most part and peoples basic needs are met, lessening the burden on families; however the system is not set up to cater for people with special needs based on ethnicity and family history.

Are Sudanese leaders asking for their ethnic group to become wards of the state in some sense?

Why is it up to the government to provide unlimited material support and guidance and to give a failing group of people, who when taken as a whole are nothing but trouble a free ride?

Rhetorical questions aside we cannot be too hard on the refugees when they were obviously sold on the idea of migration with a pack of lies by recruiters in the refugee camps all those years ago; after all, having been supported, for free, by the U.N for many years these people could be excused for thinking that everyone in developed societies receives the same indulgences and whole of life welfare support.

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An Aussie down on his luck, in the era before social security “humping Bluey” up and down the East coast, was the only way to survive

Comrades, never underestimate the vanity and cynicism of the politicians and managerial castes of the globalist cosmopolitan enterprise; they will do anything and say anything to achieve their end goal of the destruction of all nationalities and ethnic identities in the name of capitalism.

We are at the point, in 2018, where a group like Campaign Against Racism And Fascism, which is directly connected to the regime, will spread blatant lies about an assault on a Muslim woman to goad immigrant youth into fighting with police, as happened in the Milo Yiannopoulis counter-demonstration in Kensington recently.

Even as the anti-racism spiel is wearing thin and significant numbers of migrants from other, non-White ethnic groups are speaking out about Sudanese dysfunction the elites and their bourgeois agents in the “Social Justice” sphere are doubling down on the rhetoric and lashing out at all who dare challenge their dogma, to the point of going to ridiculous and dangerous extremes.

We are at the point in 2018 where a group like the Campaign Against Racism And Fascism, which is directly connected to the regime, will spread blatant lies about an assault on a Muslim woman to goad immigrant youth into fighting with police, as happened in the Milo Yiannopoulis counter-demonstration in Kensington recently.

The point of that exercise was to create the conditions for a progressive, White led “Black Lives Matter” movement, as evidenced by their follow up rally in the same neighbourhood some weeks later; what is implicit in the actions of CARF is that they are prepared to see immigrant youths incarcerated or, hopefully from their perspective, gunned down by the Pigs if it helps the cause of globalist progress.

This is where things stand in the first days of 2018, if history is our guide the current crop of Sudanese gang members will burn out and fade away within a few years, however, the dark, malignant core of the globalist system remains, with its determined race baiters and the freaks who daydream of an unthinking, coffee coloured humanity which does nothing but consume and generate debt to the oligarchy.

Sudanese do not belong in our society, this much is true, but they are here and we must never stop pointing out the reasons why they were imported and repeating the names of the people responsible for the refugee disaster in order to prevent them from making the situation infinitely worse.

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Former immigration minister Amanda Vanstone shows off her prized Juan Peron action figure in the hope of redeeming herself in the eyes of the working class

A POLITICISED VICPOL STRUGGLES AGAINST THE BLACK UNDERTOW

A POLITICISED VICPOL STRUGGLES AGAINST THE BLACK UNDERTOW

African gang crime in Melbourne is, as we all know, out of control in certain suburbs; in Tarneit, Sunshine, Melton and Flemington the problem is out in the open and beginning to impede upon the lives of ordinary working class people.

To be sure, there is a degree of hysteria surrounding African gang crime, however this is mostly a normal response to an extremely violent, unpredictable and irrational group of people; the fear of a group of twenty Black thugs, high on Ice and armed with edged weapons kicking in your door at three in the morning is very much a reasonable apprehension for the workers of the outer Western suburbs.

We will not labour the point here, it is obvious to anyone, even the most fanatical “Anti-Racist”, that people from the Horn Of Africa who arrived under the refugee resettlement program from the mid-1990’s have largely failed to thrive and that no amount of coddling, or turning a blind eye to their dysfunction will slow their inevitable decline into a widely despised minority.

If the Africans are the errant children of multiculturalism then we can put much of the blame for their horrible behaviour upon the parents and midwives of the refugee disaster: the “do-gooder” politicians, the profiteers and scumbags of the refugee resettlement industry, the opportunistic priests and ministers of the mainstream churches and the cynical armchair revolutionaries of the Refugee Action Coalition.

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Ecoville community centre in Tarneit, an expensive local resource trashed by African gangs

The trend these days among the chattering classes is for collective amnesia to set in every time a discussion of the causal factors concerning African dysfunction arises; the events of the prior decade, the tensions between Left-Wing lawyers, Police command and politicians effectively led to a decade-long “hands-off” mentality towards Black youth gangs.

The recent history of the African minority in Melbourne was marked by a couple of significant events which led directly, most would agree, to the present state of affairs; the Sunshine police station “racism” affair and the successful lawsuit by social justice advocate Tamar Hopkins against Victoria Police on behalf of several Africans who had alleged Police brutality.

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Tamar Hopkins, Peter Seidel and their clients in a lawsuit against Victoria Police; police brutality is real, we just don’t accept there is an ethnic bias, they bash anyone if they think they can get away with it.

We can accept that Pig brutality toward young people is an ongoing problem, we just don’t accept that in 2017 there is a systematic bias against coloured kids which warrants such an extreme reaction from Anti-Racists; certain people seem to want want a Black Lives Matter Movement at any cost, even if it means stirring up racial grievances to achieve that end.

Police command under Christine Nixon and later Simon Overland and Ken Lay caved into what amounted to only moderate pressure from the social justice warriors and began a purge of “racist” officers accompanied by a drive for cultural change within the rank and file of the service.

What this amounted to, in the minds of ordinary citizens and certainly among the Negroes, was an order from the top that police were not to interfere with the Africans and a feeling among officers that actually doing their job and chasing down Black criminals was neither worth the hassle due to the refusal of judges to convict them, or career suicide as any trivial complaint by offenders would likely see the hapless general duties cop sacked, if not charged themselves.

We can accept that Pig brutality toward young people is an ongoing problem, we just don’t accept that in 2017 there is a systematic bias against coloured kids which warrants such an extreme reaction from Anti-Racists; certain people seem to want a Black Lives Matter Movement at any cost, even if it means stirring up racial grievances to achieve that end.

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In 1996 21-year-old Corinna Horvath had her face smashed in by Victorian cops, years later she was represented by none other than Tamar Hopkins in an action against the state

This is how we arrived in 2017 with a small but totally lawless African sub-culture literally raping and pillaging on the margins of society, whatever they were when they arrived from the dark continent, whatever limited potential their children had has been trashed distorted by overindulgence, lack of discipline and the unrealistic expectations of unhinged social justice warriors.

While African and Islander gangs were running amok in Sunshine and Broadmeadows the Cops were planted at railway stations, armed with metal detectors searching Asian students and White pensioners for concealed shivs as approving media crews looked on to “keep them honest”.

We generally avoid epithets on this blog but it is plain to see that the system, by a process of “Californication” turned them from African migrants into “Street Niggers”, that the SJW’s probably wanted Will Smith and Jada Pinkett as their ideal but instead, they created Letalvis Cobbins and Vanessa Coleman.

Crime is a hot topic generally but there is the sense among Melbournians that we are over the hump, so to speak, of the Ice epidemic among the poor and marginalised White population and official statistics tend to back this conclusion; crime is on the wane and the specific types of crime and mob action carried out by the Blacks are almost unheard of among other ethnic groups.

These facts make the recent comments by Police commanders even more infuriating, on several occasions officers above the rank of Inspector, including Acting Commissioner Shane Patton and Superintendent Therese Fitzgerald have denied the ethnic-racial aspect to the African crimewave stating that their flash mobs, muggings, riots, carjackings and home invasions are part of a pattern of behaviour common to “all youths”.

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The ICR system was a joke, it emboldened the crooks and race baiters by initiating unnecessary stop and search actions just to prove that the system was being used

Youth crime is somewhat of a problem in Victoria, we cannot deny it, but if the Police are going to spread the blame and crack down on “all youth” for the sake of anti-racism, when we know that street gang crime, the crimes which strike the most fear into the hearts of families, are pretty much restricted to the African and to a lesser extent Middle Eastern and Pacific Islander minorities then we have a problem.

We have seen the ludicrous spectacle of politically correct police crackdowns before: who recalls the risible prohibited weapons blitz of the late noughties?

While African and Islander gangs were running amok in Sunshine and Broadmeadows the Cops were planted at railway stations, armed with metal detectors searching Asian students and White pensioners for concealed shivs as approving media crews looked on to “keep them honest”.

So too the trial program set up after a campaign of intense whining by Anti-Racists, where police dispensed receipts for every interaction they had with “youths” was scrapped as useless, counterproductive and an all around waste of time.

If they intend to crack down on all youth crime they need to justify this with proof and, if nothing else, ought we not be warned of the dangers of these hitherto invisible non-African gangs for our own safety?

It has come to the point where the Pigs have to put up or shut up as far as ethnic bias in street crime is concerned, if they have evidence of gangs of up to two hundred White youths, or any other ethnicity for that matter, running wild in the suburbs and attacking people going about their normal business then they should publicise this information.

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Assistant Commissioner Shane Patton won the booby prize when his boss took sick leave, he’s now in the hot seat as another summer of African gang crime gets underway.

If they intend to crack down on all youth crime they need to justify this with proof and, if nothing else, ought we not be warned of the dangers of these hitherto invisible non-African gangs for our own safety?

After all, we know to avoid certain parks and the areas where African gangs congregate; shopkeepers and business owners in the outer West have already taken precautions to mitigate the threat of mob attacks by Blacks on their premises, even if that amounts to letting the Negroes walk out of the shop with armfuls of goods lest they turn on the staff with fists and concealed weapons.

Time, we say, to name and shame all youth gangs, to make public note of their habits, home turf and all relevant information necessary to the maintenance of public order and safety; otherwise the unpleasant reality is that hard truths must be accepted by police command and their allies in the political or social justice spheres; they must be dragged, kicking and screaming no doubt into, at the very least, a frank discussion of the explicitly ethnic character of gang crime in Victoria.

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The owner’s vision of Ecoville park: notice that this artists impression failed to include ice addled Africans fighting on the lawn, obscene graffiti and and all the seating smashed into kindling

THE RICH GET RICHER, THE POOR GET THE PICTURE, THE BOMBS NEVER HIT YOU WHEN YOU’RE DOWN SO LOW

THE RICH GET RICHER, THE POOR GET THE PICTURE, THE BOMBS NEVER HIT YOU WHEN YOU’RE DOWN SO LOW

Readers would be well aware of the recent incident in Brighton, Victoria during which Australian police were caught up in a drama concerning a South American prostitute, a Chinese apartment building commissionaire and a Somalian terrorist.

We have chosen the wording of this first paragraph very carefully to place this event in its proper context; it must be said that the only Australians involved in this siege and shootout were, we suppose, the police officers who responded to the 000 calls.

So given that all the actual Australians swept up in the Brighton shootings are expected to recover and return to their duties we will herewith move on and, as is our mission, examine the responses to these events by real Australians and their interpretation according to Nationalist thinking.

The most obvious and stereotypical response from the chattering classes and their bourgeois commentariat are the hackneyed cries for “unity” and “social cohesion”; that is to say that nobody should say anything which might cause a spike in the normal level of distrust, nor do anything which might further inflame the now entrenched and deep-seated mutual hatred which simmers between Muslims and Australians.

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Somalia, the land of the lost

Nationalists, as always, are advised to steer clear of Muslims and people of African and West Asian descent as far as possible; of course, it is impossible to completely avoid contact with such people but the best tactic for mitigation of exposure to their bad behaviour is separation.

The whole concept of social cohesion flies in the face of diversity dogma; apparently, diversity is our greatest strength, except in circumstances where the outcome actually matters; when results are expected we are urged to be one people and to speak with a single voice.

We have chosen the wording of this first paragraph very carefully to place this event in its proper context; it must be said that the only Australians involved in this siege and shootout were, we suppose, the police officers who responded to the 000 calls.

As we have explained in a previous article, unity in the face of diverse threats makes no sense, in fighting what amounts to an insurgency by de-assimilated fellow citizens in which the targets of violent extremism are, in the main, defenceless civilians a diverse range of responses is surely required.

There are some actions which sincerely patriotic Muslims cannot or will not take in this struggle, so too there are lines which White Nationalists and civic patriots cannot cross without being arrested for breaching the human rights of these criminals and their supporters; in fact the state does a pretty good job of nobbling any grass roots response to the community problem of Jihadist insurgency, so acting as one is out of the question anyway.

The call for unity then is really just an admonition to sit tight and not get involved when it is spoken by Daniel Andrews or Malcolm Turnbull and a trite example of virtue signalling, if not out-and-out cowardice by the bourgeoisie.

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Hipsters eating their smashed avocado now seem more likely terrorist targets than Bogans eating their fried chicken and chips

The problem with that approach and placing all our eggs in one basket by relying on the state to end the insurgency is that they have thus far proven themselves incapable and unwilling to rein in violent extremists or to perform any of the work necessary in interdiction of the known pathways to Jihadism: petty crime, drug use and family breakdown.

The core pathways to extremism listed above are the result of importing people who are bound to fail and turn upon their sponsors; it is impossible to maintain conservative family values and tribal structures in a society which dropped such norms over a thousand years ago. It is impossible for a migrant to make a positive contribution to society if he lacks the intelligence to master basic literacy and numeracy skills and it is impossible to draw wayward immigrant youth away from a life of crime in a situation where the entirety of popular media culture glorifies and encourages “gangster chic”.

The problem with that approach and placing all our eggs in one basket by relying on the state to end the insurgency is that they have thus far proven themselves incapable and unwilling to rein in violent extremists or to perform any of the work necessary in interdiction of the known pathways to Jihadism: petty crime, drug use and family breakdown.

In our so-called “knowledge economy”, the world envisioned by the globalist money power, the factors which delineate social class are less the ideas of race, religion or ethnicity and increasingly IQ and a person’s capacity to utilise what is between their ears, so to the informed observer widespread migrant dysfunction and failure was inevitable and predictable.

The 21st century Lumpenproletariat, of which many migrants along with many Whites are part, is therefore to all intents and purposes race-less in the eyes of the elites and their bourgeoisie; their intelligence quotient is what keeps them down and, sadly for revolutionaries, this growing class of people, the “have-nots”, have not the slightest inkling of class consciousness, nor even much insight into their own existence.

This is where middle-class virtue signalling over the plight of the “have-nots” becomes a vice like any other artificial coping mechanism. Publicly expressing White guilt and wearing the hair shirt of the social justice warrior in the face of the intractable problem of low Lumpenprole IQ is nowadays, for some people, as potent a feel-good measure as taking a swig of hard liquor or popping a prescription sedative.

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If you are wondering where the Iraqi middle class went, these guys may be able to shed some light on the matter

The White middle class is shackled to the failure of its own system, the great cosmopolitan Ponzi scheme which was devised by the Baby Boomers to ensure that their class dominated for all time and which banked heavily upon White working class apathy or lack of political engagement

The question has been asked in recent days: was there an element of class war at play in the Brighton terrorist attack? Why did the Somali terrorist from seedy Roxburgh Park choose one of Melbourne’s most affluent suburbs as the location of his spree?

Buoyed by the successful integration of European refugees after the second world war the middle class and elected officials of those strata over-reached when they took upon themselves the job of diversifying the migrant intake to include Third World refugees. In 2017 the children of those baby-boomer, bourgeois do-gooders who are paying the price for their parents’ largesse and lack of foresight are lapsing into helpless self-indulgence; the physical intoxication of pills, booze, gambling and pick-up sexual encounters is bolstered by hollow virtue signalling, White guilt and ethno-masochism, vices all.

The question has been asked in recent days: was there an element of class war at play in the Brighton terrorist attack? Why did the Somali terrorist from seedy Roxburgh Park choose one of Melbourne’s most affluent suburbs as the location of his spree?

Not to place a wise head on the shoulders of this clearly intellectually sub-normal African criminal, but the symbolism was not missed by Nationalist radicals and as the only political tendency still prosecuting the class war the imagery and setting of Yacqub Khayre’s martyrdom operation are ours for the taking.

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Social cohesion in action: Islamist radicals teamed up with Antifa in Coburg, May 2016

 

CELEBRATING AUSTRALIA DAY IS AN ACT OF DEFIANCE

CELEBRATING AUSTRALIA DAY IS AN ACT OF DEFIANCE

Today, really, is not a day for politics — it is a day for celebrating; a day to drink and get merry without coward-punching anyone. What are we celebrating, asks the cucked uni kid in the corner with the Abo flag on his shirt?

We are celebrating our diversity as a people; our rich tradition of multiculturalism which is an example to the rest of the world of how different peoples from diverse ethnic backgrounds and religions can exist in harmony together like all the colours of the rainbow.
We are celebrating the fact that anyone can come here at any time and instantly become an Australian by dint of just standing on our sovereign soil and expressing a liking for Aussie Rules football. You can be as brown as what gets flushed down the crapper; as black as a charcoaled tree stump; as yellow as the pee that flows after too many flutes of Yellowglen; or even White. But not so much White. Nah. Fuck that. That ain’t what it’s all about, chief.
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Arthur Calwell, a TRUE Australian
We are celebrating the beginning of a nation, but more especially, the birth of a unique people. Somewhere between Europeans and settlers Australians evolved; born of the land; born not to sink shivering into the Atlantic briny like lost cargo from the East India Company, but to dive cockily into the foaming surf of Oceania while showing off to your sheila who waits ready with the towel and Chico Roll.
We were born to a dusty, rugged environment, which offers both danger and sustenance; hardship and leisure. We have bulk wildlife that will kill the bungers out of you twice before leaving you for dead; while others, like Koala bears, are cute-as, but pong a bit. We have birds that screech worse than an angry missus on the rag, and which glide gracefully from the branches. Personal faves are Kookaburras and Rosellas.

We are celebrating the beginning of a nation, but more especially, the birth of a unique people. Somewhere between Europeans and settlers Australians evolved; born of the land; born not to sink shivering into the Atlantic briny like lost cargo from the East India Company, but to dive cockily into the foaming surf of Oceania while showing off to your sheila who waits ready with the towel and Chico Roll.

These days, however, we are celebrating Australia Day because if we don’t they will replace it with First Peoples Day or some shit.
We celebrate Australia Day like Catholics celebrated mass under the reformation — risking having the Protestants of Progressiveness bust down our door and drag us off to the dungeon for possessing an Aussie flag and a copy of Sherbet’s Greatest Hits on a USB drive.
We celebrate Australia Day because either they are trying to take it away, like the Communist Greens’ Fremantle mayor, Brad Pettit; or they are making it all about every cunt who isn’t White and wasn’t born here; like the makers of that crap Lamb ad and whoever does the selections for the Australian of the Year awards.
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A true Aussie just gets it. Or maybe they don’t, we’re just fucking around
We will get to the Australian of the Year later, but while we’re on about the war on Australia Day, we have to make mention of the Left Wing grubs and the Abos from the “Decolonise” movement.
Australia Day, to them, is Invasion Day and EVERYONE on the Left spectrum of politics joins in making out like celebrating Australia Day is the equivalent of slavery.
We shall assume, on one level, that the cry to Decolonise, is not meant to be taken literally but signifies a sort of secessionist deal where Abos who don’t like it fuck off and stop claiming the dole. Also, they never ever try to use a Medicare card or put themselves through university on the taxpayers’ tit. They just go and do whatever the hell it is they think they’re going to do.
But then again, let’s take them literally and just spend two seconds peeling apart the utter fantasy at the heart of that sentiment.

We celebrate Australia Day like Catholics celebrated mass under the reformation — risking having the Protestants of Progressiveness bust down our door and drag us off to the dungeon for possessing an Aussie flag and a copy of Sherbet’s Greatest Hits on a USB drive.

Seriously, how the fuck are you going to “decolonise” Australia you stupid bastards? That’s a bit like asking for the sky to turn yellow. Even if certain cucked types wanted to go peacefully and leave Aboriginals with everything — and judging by the performers at this year’s Australian of the Year awards there is plenty of them — what makes you think the Chinese who’ve bought up great swathes of this Southern Land are going to bend the knee and scuttle back to China while whispering, “So solly”?
The “Decolonise” movement is nothing but a whingeing valve for professional malcontents that want an excuse to have a problem with everything and somehow in the age of appeasement that hopefully, the election of Donald Trump will sort out they are being indulged. These whingers have a problem with achievement, in that they are incapable of it. They want to tear down because they cannot build. It is far more profitable for them to be a critic than to be an artist: heaps easier too.
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Funny how Abo activists are never actually Abos
So, celebrating Australia Day is also about sticking it to those hypocritical flag-burning fuckwits who’ll happily take whatever handouts the government loads them with on the taxpayers’ quid; whatever health care and free publicity for their belly aching; but won’t do the decent thing and shut the fuck up for just 24 hours in one year.
But once you brush aside the freaks on the fringe and get down to brass tacks our real reason for celebrating Australia Day is to keep it Australian while the government does everything in its power to push real Australians out of contextual relevance.
You don’t even have to be born in Australia to be Australian of the Year. This year’s NSW Australian of the Year is a Sudanese former child soldier who somehow made it through law school. He has a real sob story and he was “forced” to do it, y’all. But the great Australian dream came true for him at least, never mind any actual Australians, and now he is an inspiration for all those little Sudanese who want to grow up and be famous for being Sudanese too.

So, celebrating Australia Day is also about sticking it to those hypocritical flag-burning fuckwits who’ll happily take whatever handouts the government loads them with on the taxpayers’ quid; whatever health care and free publicity for their belly aching; but won’t do the decent thing and just shut the fuck up for just 24 hours in one year.

But let’s not forget that he is a brainy lawyer. Ho ho. Shrewd, more like. While every other Sudanese is doing car-jackings, home invasions, armed robberies and sexual assaults ‘Deng Adut’ has become a lawyer probably in the knowledge that with his community growing ever so steadily he’ll never go broke practising law.
The media love this skinny ex-child soldier who raped and killed god-knows-how-many. He provides the ultimate globalist narrative which they impose upon Australia Day.
Well, excuse us, but we would’ve thought that Australian of the Year should be an award that goes to an actual Australian and not some dodgy African ambulance chaser.
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Deng Adut, the fully Aussie NSW Australian of the Year with the pimp hat
There is nothing even grounded in Australianness about him anyway — despite the honoured title he is still all about his tribal African people.
His average day in the media sunshine is spent drumming up charity dollars to go to Africans so they can get a freebie university education while actual Aussies have to take on massive HEX debts. The upside of that is that there must be all of three in the entire country who ever qualify but that isn’t the point.

There is nothing even grounded in Australianness about him anyway — despite the honoured title he is still all about his tribal African people.

Inevitably, one day he’ll be busted with twenty-five kilos of pure Bolivian cocaine but until that day comes the Australian of the Year award is used to smack Aussies on the nose with. There is nothing in it for us. Our Australia Day and THEIR Australia Day are two separate ideas.
If UNA could grant an Australian of the Year award this year we would give it to somebody nobody in the country had heard of. This might be a tuck shop woman or an SES volunteer. It might be a salty old bloke who quietly gets around his community and helps young folk out of jams. It might be a surf lifesaver or an animal welfare volunteer. But it sure as fuck wouldn’t be some blow-in alien or anyone that the establishment has deemed acceptable for public approval.
It would be one of youse — a dead set, true blue, no wukkas, you beaut, dinky di, ridgey didge, here’s-mud-in-your-eye Aussie bloke or sheila.
Happy Australia Day!
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We hope this cunt, and all like him, get wiped out in a World War