The central myth of the Eureka Rebellion and its Southern Cross flag as promoted by mainstream pundits has it as a symbol of, apart from other things, multiculturalism.
This is because two black men, a Jamaican and a black American, were present along with the majority White European “diggers” during the uprising. Whatever ascribing of qualities the opponents of nationalism use to interpret this epochal moment at the dawn of the Australian nation it was first and foremost a rebellion against government oppression in a struggle for justice and democratic rights.
Gold miners, tired of being forced to pay dearly for licenses, rose up after certain inciting incidents and mobilised themselves into a paramilitary. A license was no guarantee of finding gold, and the miners were refused the rights of the land they mined. Added to this was the brutal and contemptuous manner with which miners were treated by the colonial autocrats.
On Dec 03, 1854, having three days earlier gathered under the Eureka Flag and elected Peter Lalor their leader, and now having fortified their stockade at Bakery Hill, in Ballarat, the miners numbering around 500 clashed with police and a larger presence of soldiers. The diggers, brave though their resolve was, had not the capacity to withstand the combined force of police and military. Subsequently, 22 diggers sacrificed their lives while six police and soldiers were killed. Of those miners arrested and tried, only one was found guilty. The rebellion led to a change in the mining system so that thereafter miners paid a tax on the gold they found.
In the 1970s, the union movement found a nice fit by appropriating the symbol and mythology of the Eureka Rebellion to suit its ultra-communistic agenda. However, it’s important to interpret and divide the mythology of the rebellion and the symbolism of the flag from the narrative of those communists who adopted a red Eureka and the workers who had long before gathered beneath it in the nationalist spirit as they rioted against the presence of Chinese workers.
Anti-Chinese demonstrations occurred at Lambing Flat on the goldfields of central NSW in 1861. Aussie diggers numbering 1,500 – 2000, resentful of the hive-like industry of the Chinese and incensed by the wastage of water in their mining process attacked the Chinese encampment and drove them off.
During the Seamen’s Strike of 1878, the Eureka Flag was raised by trade unionists. The Sydney Morning Herald wrote of that strike, “The strike of the A.S.N Company’s Seamen has assumed larger dimensions, and has led to active measures on the part of the labouring classes against Chinese importation or immigration. The actual dispute between the seamen and the A.S.N Company has been almost lost sight of in the larger question of a general introduction of Chinese, which trade unions have done their best to persuade the people is only a matter of time, and must result in the complete exclusion of Europeans from the labour market unless the threatened evil is at once nipped in the bud.”
A version of the Eureka Flag flew during the shearers’ strike at Barcaldine in 1891. One of the demands of the shearers was an exclusion of low-cost Chinese labour. Thereafter, workers’ concerns about being undermined by the Chinese led to the Immigration Restriction Act or White Australia Policy. Therefore, the relationship between the tradition of Australian Nationalism and the Eureka Flag is irrefutable. Open to contention are the overarching interpretations derived from the uprising at the Ballarat goldfields in terms of the formation of Australian identity.
It is important to understand that there was no Australia at the time of the rebellion so any arguments about the events at Eureka and the conception of Australia as a “multicultural country” or a land of perpetual migration are specious. We can speak of the spirit of the Eureka Rebellion, and there again, Nationalists have the much stronger claim — and more so when you consider the current relationship between the worker and the political class. The militant “unionists” couldn’t give a damn for the Australian worker, as they are too busy assisting the multinational corporations and the quisling politicians in flooding the country with plague-level immigration. The unions stand for a “big Australia”, which means Australian workers and their conditions being undercut by an unceasing stream of foreign labour.
This post-Communist Globalist style of unionism, therefore, has no claim on the spirit of the traditional Australian working man to whom the lore of the Eureka Rebellion belongs.
What they do focus on in their swindling of the Eureka narrative are the words of Raffaello Carboni who wrote a first-hand description of the rebellion in his book The Eureka Stockade. When the miners gathered on November 30 to swear their allegiance under the Eureka flag he called on them to “irrespective of nationality, religion or colour to salute the Southern Cross as a refuge of all the oppressed countries on earth.”
This, according to the multiculturalists, is an incontrovertible expression of the underlying essence of inclusivity and diversity as proof of the multiracial sentiment of the rebellion and its miners. Ergo, the Australian identity is formulated along these principles. Yet, again, there was no Australia yet, although it was interesting that while reporting on the rebellion The Age described the Eureka Flag as “the flag of Australian independence”.
As we have seen, the Australian worker would view their independence as being founded firmly upon their identity as White Europeans. And those quoting Raffaello Carboni neglect to mention that he was an Italian Nationalist who fought against Austrian influence in the country of his birth, which he returned to. He never made the colony his home but travelled back to Europe dying in Rome in 1875. Therefore, his rousing words, especially the utterance “of all the oppressed countries on earth” were an anti-colonialist comment by a stateless fortune seeker not an affirmation of miscegenation by an early globalist. The flag itself, as we have explained, went on to become a symbol of Australianness very much defined by race and colour; that meaning only perverted when the Commies of Norm Gallagher’s ilk marched along in the 1970s during their passionate love affair with Mao’s China.
Nowadays, with China the largest owner of Australian farming resources, and Chinese ownership of our key assets at an unheralded level, as the Chinese “student” presence in Australia becomes entrenched and developments are underway to have them replace Anglo-Celtic-European Australia in alarming increments, the wisdom of those White Australian working men becomes all the more salient – as does the spirit of the flag they flew.