Fairfax contributor Matt Holden recently penned an article, “The Dallas fire is a reminder Melbourne is not as classless as we’d like to think”, in which he tries, in vain, to make his case for class divides across the metropolitan area.

Dallas, for those not familiar with the layout of Greater Melbourne, is a working class suburb in the North-Western zone, it is one of the green field sites developed largely by The Housing Commission Of Victoria during the 1960’s, that style of commission homes would be familiar to most city dwellers.

The fire in question occurred in a stockpile of plastic products at a recycling plant in nearby Coolaroo, though due to the wind patterns during the several days it took to bring the blaze under control it was Dallas which was most heavily affected by the plume of toxic smoke and ash.

Several hundred Dallas residents were evacuated and forced to spend the night at local community centres according to the emergency response plan activated by the responsible authorities; though greatly inconvenienced by the order to leave there were no serious injuries, loss of life or property among the evacuees.

broadmed-mosque
Soon, mosques will be more common than McDonald’s

Now Dallas is a pretty ordinary neighbourhood in that part of town, people live their lives, raise their families, work, study, run businesses and so forth; the suburb, like those around it, is home to a large number of migrants, particularly from Turkey and Lebanon, as well as their second and third generation family members.

Matt Holden casts a fairly critical eye over the area in an effort to trump up his story of class antagonism, exclusivity and geographical as well as socio-economic divides; Holden doesn’t “go there” on the issue of the area’s large Muslim population, but he hints at ethnic divisions in his analysis.

Several hundred Dallas residents were evacuated and forced to spend the night at local community centres according to the emergency response plan activated by the responsible authorities; though greatly inconvenienced by the order to leave there were no serious injuries, loss of life or property among the evacuees.

The issue of median house prices is raised in the article but in reality, this means little, like so much of the new demographic data available to the layman, via the 2016 census, it is largely a matter of perspective gained through local knowledge.

The quality and age of the housing stock as well as the settled nature of the community would be factors in suppressing the turnover of real estate and the median sale price, not necessarily structural, societal inequality or class chauvinism.

Dallas appears to have a large number of families with children, which is what we could expect from an area which is 49% Muslim; few families would want to leave such an enclave, especially if the rent is relatively cheap and few outsiders would want to move into an area dominated, socially and economically by an ethnic group which is not their own.

Holden cites overseas research into social habits to bolster his thesis that Dallas residents have no choice but to live by the side of a rubbish recycling plant, claiming that the upper middle class purposely corrals off all the finer things in life from the lower classes.

ilim college
Aussie schoolgirls make up for our racist, Christian past

He further claims that disparity in educational outcomes, low-quality government schooling and a lack of private schools is somehow imposed upon the residents of Dallas by the upper echelons.

This conclusion is in no way borne out by the census numbers; students living in Dallas attend private schools in numbers three times the state average in the primary years and double the average in the secondary system. It should have been a no brainer for any competent journalist to conclude that Muslims like to live close to the Mosques and private Islamic colleges which are mostly situated in the West, (which we are assured are among the best schools in the state) just as the bourgeois Anglos or Chinese nouveau riche of the Eastern suburbs gravitate to certain school zones.

Dallas appears to have a large number of families with children, which is what we could expect from an area which is 49% Muslim; few families would want to leave such an enclave, especially if the rent is relatively cheap and few outsiders would want to move into an area dominated, socially and economically by an ethnic group which is not their own.

We could argue that the Muslims of Dallas are in fact getting the better deal in some ways due to the fact that they do not have to shell out millions of dollars just to live close to their preferred schools, they get all the benefits and less of the burden given that their suburb is far from the hell hole described by Fairfax.

The problem  is not socioeconomic class in this instance, especially in relation to the fire emergency. The recycling plant, if properly run, is not a particularly dangerous facility by which to live; the lax management practices and corner-cutting found on site by the authorities were the cause of the fire. These factors were no doubt influenced by the diminishing returns from recycling plastic in the current economy.

The implication in Holden’s article is that such a facility would not be tolerated in the affluent Eastern suburbs, and that the bourgeoisie would use their clout to have it shut down as a health hazard before any adverse impacts on their community.

Who can say one way or another? We suspect that Holden’s attitude stems from the fact that people of his social class wouldn’t like to work in a recycling plant, so they see no benefit in having it in an urban setting; the inhabitants of Dallas and surrounds might have a different view given that blue collar jobs are becoming harder to find in the globalised economy.

One way of looking at Dallas is as an intentional community which is developing in accordance with the tastes, needs, and aspirations of its ethnic majority groups; this is not without precedent in Victoria and is a predictable result of the programme of multiculturalism.

We suspect that Holden’s attitude stems from the fact that people of his social class wouldn’t like to work in a recycling plant, so they see no benefit in having it in an urban setting; the inhabitants of Dallas and surrounds might have a different view given that blue collar jobs are becoming harder to find in the globalised economy.

Take for example the ostensible, intentional White enclaves of Eltham, Daylesford or Castlemaine, communities where elements of the White middle and skilled/artisan working classes have migrated, en-masse to set up societies catering to their needs, tastes and aspirations.

Instead of Islamic colleges, there are Steiner schools and community colleges, artisan bakers and funky European style Boites stand in place of the Shisha parlours and Kebab joints while the folk festivals of the White enclaves mirror the Eid and Mawlid observances of the Muslims.

Mawlid
Everyone is welcome – to assimilate to Islam

Never the twain shall meet, at least if things stay the way they are, yet this distance has really nothing to do with social class and everything to do with ethnic cohesion and the natural tendency for people to feel most relaxed and emotionally centred when surrounded by people with the same attitudes and aspirations as themselves.

The differences in median family income between the White enclave of, say, Castlemaine and Dallas is a few dollars a week.  Both communities are cohesive, vibrant and stable, yet very different in terms of ethnic composition; leading us to conclude that people choosing to live in these intentional communities place a premium on things outside the realm of purely material prosperity. There are class divides, and Nationalists are well aware of this, but the Dallas fire emergency reveals nothing about the state of society beyond the effects of over 40 years of multiculturalism, in spite of Matt Holden’s desperate attempts to frame it as such.

We understand that our class antagonists operate through the projection of power, via their access to the media, the machinery of state, big business and academia but the author, Holden, being a part of that system is unlikely to ever see things clearly or to admit the truth even if he knew it.

CSF  FINALE
Festival of the Snowflake
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