The following is the transcript of the speech given by Dr Jim Saleam at the Leura Forum, Sunday 15, 2016.
I have been asked over time by some groups to talk about Chinese imperialism in Australia. Last year, I spoke here about it. And early this year, I published a major pamphlet called The True Cause Of Australian Independence which addressed this matter in the context of what I hope is an entirely new Australian politics to take Australia out of the New World Order and its strange creation – the Chinese sphere of influence in Asia. These subjects have become an important aspect of my journalism and my public activity. I am not alone in my concerns about China’s rise over Australia, but I just mention this for context. An Argentinian party – Community Flag, to which I have link – had a conference just two days ago: ‘Chinese Neo-Colonialism In Argentina And Latin America’. I maintain an interest in literature everywhere about this subject.
So – where to begin?
The building of empires was something that, once upon a time, some considered very laudable – that was over a hundred years ago. In their view, empires were meant to symbolise greatness, sacrifice and achievement. Some truth, perhaps. Back then, with the exception of Japan, the empires were European creations. This has usually led to a type of anti-racist discourse, where the oppressed or backward nations of the world (sic) even today blame the European race (who employed the practises of imperialism) for their collective shortcomings. There is a drop of truth there too.
Things are more complicated now, by the rise of a new imperialism, that of the Chinese superpower. This is an Asian power which actually emerged out of the reaction to European imperialism.
In Australia, there has been over the last fifty years or so, a rather active movement that I might dub for convenience ‘anti-racist’. It intrudes just about everywhere. I would say that it is a powerful element that affects community discussions on any matter involving non-European persons. Regrettably, in the debate about Chinese imperialism, about China’s relations with Australia generally, it also elbows in. I have noted people accused of “xenophobia” for criticising free trade negotiations; so said Tony Abbott as Prime Minister twice last year targeting the hapless Bill Shorten and some unions.
That is not the only place xenophobia has been mentioned. In the discussion over real estate purchases, some major developers have referred to anti-Chinese prejudice and so on. So any argument about China in Australia which suggests some negative role played by China will be distorted. Indeed, if there was a nationalist minded challenge to Chinese imperialism in Australia that would be absolutely inevitable. I often use the phrase ‘anti-racism uber alles’ and that sums it up to me. Antiracism is not the opposite to racism (that is superiority ideology or hatred), but an ideology of its own which seeks to entirely recondition society to a ‘globo’ standard of sameness and total openness. Anti-racism in that sense would serve to assist the penetration of Australia by Chinese imperialism.
An estimated ten-thousand Chinese students were bussed in from Melbourne and Sydney, supplied with large Chinese flags and stage managed by Chinese organisers sporting walkie-talkies and colour-coded uniforms.
The day will be remembered most for the fervent outpouring of Chinese nationalism and chauvinism, with thousands of Chinese supporters waving flags, chanting slogans and singing the Chinese national anthem. This was a political intervention in Australia.
In April 2016, according to the official account, a representative of the Australian Action Committee for Protecting Peace and Justice, pointed out that the South China Sea issue involves the Chinese people’s core interests, and the “South China Sea arbitration” will in no way change the fact that the various islands of the South China Sea and nearby sea areas belong to China.
“Overseas Chinese should have a clear and sober understanding of this and come together to jointly make a call for justice in joint response to the motherland,” the representative was quoted as saying. “This is the correct attitude which we the overseas Chinese elite should uphold,” he added.
What is this?
If these were the only two examples of invasive activity, we might let it pass, but sadly, it was not. What about the still unresolved FitzGibbon affair? Espionage, money, gifts?
The sale of the Port of Darwin which even our own intelligence agencies were askance at? What of the possibility that part of the security force of the Port were actually a militia company, part of the People’s Liberation Army?
Then, there is our former Prime Minister Bob Hawke. His personal wealth is now, I believe, some $370 million. It is no secret that he has travelled almost 100 times to China since he left public office and that he has made almost all of that mound since then. He has marketed Australian property and his influence.
These few things cited sum in my book to the activities not of a friendly state but of an imperialist one.
Chinese imperialism The theory of imperialism may involve and it does imperatives of geopolitics, ethnic struggle and nationalist fervour. I also recognise the economic side of it and I consider that vital.
It was the English writer J A Hobson who understood the economic dynamics of imperialism, a set of ideas taken over by Lenin. Much of it stays valid: an imperialist country is witness to – the concentration of industry into great monopolies, the emergence of financial capitalist domination over industry, the export of capital, competition over the division of the world by international corporations for markets and the division of the world itself between powers. China does all this.
Imperialist powers not only penetrate countries, they increase the strength of their armed forces to intimidate countries.
The progress of Chinese development in the forty years since the death of Mao and the replacement of socialism by a type of state capitalism has been amazing, like Japan’s after its constitutional revolution of 1867 – but even faster. Drawing upon a somewhat modernized country and an organized population China emerged into superpower status from a type of pre-superpower reality under Mao.
Students of history, of geopolitics and culture, usually point to the continuity of states evening the advent of changes in ideology.
Contemporary China inherited from the ambitions of Maoist China. The Maoists set out to create a modern integrated state, militarily powerful and uniting all Chinese across national boundaries. More than once Mao asserted the ambition of China to seize vast tracts of Asia and to be the beacon for overseas Chinese.
The China of the capitalist road considered these goals as normal ones and relied upon maintaining these goals to assure the loyalty of masses.
I do not consider contemporary China any sort of communist state. Rather, to ensure the expansionist visions of Maoism, the state carried out an internal revolution on every level. A new class arose out of the Communist Party and seized upon the national wealth and the wealth of trade. The economic political arrangement with the USA created massive trade imbalances and gave the Chinese state the ownership of trillions of US dollars, the very basis of expansion. It carried out the imperialist model of Hobson and Lenin.
The Soft Sell of Imperialism – Panda Imperialism
There are many Australians, at all levels of politics and business who see the new imperialism as benevolent.
It is almost as if China is coming to help us get out of some quagmire that according to the politicians we are in, but they ain’t responsible and don’t know how we got there as everything was always so good until just a second ago. It is just that there is a desperation to help facilitate their entry to save us. We can get in on the boom that will never end.
This nice guy Panda imperialism has seen many projects spring up across the country. All are held to be benign
- Shoalhaven Temple, a village for elderly folk but with religious facilities attached
2. A gambling casino at Barangaroo and another in Cairns. For the high rollers but it’s all harmless and creates jobs.
3. The Warnervale China Theme Park – a replica of Old Peking which, for some odd reason, Chinese tourists would like to see – and the NSW Central Coast economy would boom.
4. And just today, announced with fanfare, a giant Buddhist cultural park for Tasmania.
5. A redevelopment of Melbourne Ports into a great residential area, jobs, theme centres, restaurants
6. There are school projects, sister cities, tourism companies, old age retirement centres and so much more. A friendship gate in Nerrandera and China tourism is promoted: why not go walk the Great Wall?
This is the soft sell. It is said that all this commerce creates a good bond between Australia and the most powerful state in Asia and is a guarantee for future peace.
The Hard Sell – Is It Recolonization?
The material for this subject is truly vast. This is the other side of the Chinese push into Australia, the one endorsed by the political elite.
I have spoken and written before on what I see as a New Brisbane Line forming in the north of Australia, a Northern Zone. I won’t belabour that point today other than to say (newspaper illustration) that the idea of massive agricultural projects and mining projects serviced by vast armies of contract labour is imperialism. Our politicians see this as a business opportunity. Some see it as us providing China’s food – as if that was a reason to invade? Others want to create a new Aussie state of Northern Australia out of it, a Wild West frontier State – the beginnings of partition?
Okay: what does China want?
China wants a city of 80,000 in Werribee in Victoria, a university city of 50,000 (mainly Chinese) students and support staff and facilities. China wants a massive Melbourne Ports area, population unknown, but linked to Werribee. China wants to build a university suburb of 20,000 around the Warnervale project with a new airport. China wants to continue its access to the Australian property market. China wants a new suburb for 30,000 built adjacent to Sydney’s Olympic Park. China wants in Sydney and Melbourne the railway station centred towers constructions for global growth corridors.
China wants in Sydney the old public housing areas of Redfern – Waterloo for a new university suburb for up to 30,000 students. China wants to dominate Australia’s university system.China wants to own Australia’s beef and dairy industries.
The idea of trade centres and large suburbs attached, like the university cities whence many graduates will spew forth into the Australian economy – suggests that extra-territoriality is coming. Who will police and administer these enormous areas?
Now, is there a pattern here? Seizing strategic industries, settling people in large numbers in real estate they own, occupying central parts and key parts of cities and expanding into the countryside – this is a classic example of imperialism. With loyal-to-the-motherland settlers and tens of thousands of young supporters on Australian soil, it makes Chinese power more decisive than Hitler’s control of the Sudeten Germans!
So between soft sell and hard sell, Australia faces the rise of a new imperialism. The soft sell immobilizes sections of public opinion.
The hard sell brings collaborators with the new imperialism to the fore. And there is no end of them – from the journalists at the Peking People’s Daily of Australian capitalism – the Australian newspaper – to State Premiers bustling for deals and patronage through to ex politicians like Craig Emerson or Victor Robb and many others, and academics and businessmen like Triguboff . I call them the traitor class which in the Chinese communist style of eighty years ago were called the comprador bourgeoisie (a class not loyal to its country but in possession of its wealth and who trade with the foreign powers).
A struggle has begun Australia between that class and those Australians who would prefer to have a country.
The issue is in doubt – with the odds favouring China for possession of the Continent and the cleansing of ‘the other’.